|
||||||
WHEN PRESIDENT BUSH was running for office, he spent a good deal of time promising to restore dignity to the White House. No Lincoln Bedroom sleepovers or White House coffees. But it didn't take too long for the Bush White House to make the same discovery as its predecessors: the enormous money-raising potential of an incumbent administration. Vice President Cheney soon opened the vice president's mansion to big givers. Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson briefed donors in his government office. Now, with the 2004 campaign officially underway, and the president poised to vacuum up $170 million or more, a new lure is being dangled to those who can raise the big bucks: lunch with presidential adviser Karl Rove. As The Post's Mike Allen reported the other day, supporters who agree to raise $50,000 and up will qualify: "Details regarding the luncheon will be provided upon the receipt of your commitment pledge," the solicitation letter promises. It may be that this is business as usual, but that's precisely the problem; the notion that it's only natural to offer lunch with one of the most important people on the government payroll -- if the price is right -- is exactly what's troubling here. Sure, some of the fundraisers will be there only so they can tell their friends at the club that they just had lunch with Mr. Bush's chief strategist. Others may have more self-interested motives in obtaining the opportunity to whisper in Mr. Rove's ear. If there is any doubt about this, one need only look at some of the evidence recently unsealed in the litigation over the new campaign finance law, which demonstrated just how closely checks and policy positions were linked. For example, a "call sheet" for Team 100, the Republican National Committee's big donor program, gave then-Chairman Jim Nicholson this heads-up about U.E. Patrick of Patrick Petroleum: "Pat is a Republican supporter, but is concerned about the current Republican estate tax legislation. He has deferred his decision to join Team 100 pending questions about the estate tax, as he feels the proposed bill is not aggressive enough." The Democrats did likewise. A call sheet for then-Democratic National Committee Chairman Donald Fowler suggested that he seek money from the top brass at Panhandle Eastern Corp., noting that one of those being hit up "was at the meeting with President Clinton dealing with deep water drilling rights in the Gulf of Mexico. The Clinton Administration was instrumental in getting this issue through Congress." Mr. Bush pulled off an astonishing feat in the 2000 election, when he assembled a battalion of more than 200 "pioneers" who each raised $100,000. But the Bush campaign balked for weeks before eventually releasing the names of the first pioneers, and disclosure after that was spotty. With Mr. Bush now in office, prompt and full disclosure of those who are bankrolling his campaign is critical. This campaign will feature a new tier of fundraiser, the "Rangers," who collect $200,000 and up. The campaign says it plans to reveal its top donors, and that's welcome news; Mr. Bush's Democratic rivals should do the same. If the White House feels comfortable selling access to Mr. Rove, it also ought to feel comfortable letting the public know who has a seat at the table.
|
||||||
Newsletter | PJC Bulletin Board | ||||||